The Eclipse of Enugu West, By Anselm Okolo

Ike Ekweremadu’s absence has left a loud vacuum.

Budgets, ballots, and bargains show how far the zone has slipped.

For two decades and more, Enugu West senatorial district punched far above its weight in Enugu State politics. The reason was simple: Senator Ike Ekweremadu. as Deputy President of the Senate for three terms, gave the zone leverage far beyond its size, attracted federal projects, and determined who got what in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). In those years, Enugu West didn’t just move pawns—it moved queens.

Today, the landscape tells a different story. In Ekweremadu’s absence, the once-vibrant zone has witnessed a dramatic fall from grace. The vacuum has been real and measurable—politically at the ballot box and materially in the allocation of state resources.

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Ekweremadu’s clout was more than symbolic. He used his position to draw federal attention to his zone and, at home, acted as a kingmaker. His foray into the governorship race in 2022 showed that Enugu West was bold enough to reach for the state’s highest office. But a PDP coalition blocked him, citing zoning, and his imprisonment months later sealed the decline. With him went the central figure around whom Enugu West’s bargaining power revolved.

The 2023 general elections revealed the consequences. PDP’s Osita Ngwu (RG) narrowly clinched the Senate seat with 52,473 votes, edging Labour Party’s Dennis Amadi, who scored 48,053. That razor-thin 4,400-vote margin was a far cry from PDP’s old dominance and made Ngwu the only PDP senator left in Enugu State after Labour Party swept most National Assembly seats. Once an electoral fortress, Enugu West barely held the line. PDP has, since the elections, recovered some legislative muscles through defections, something it never needed in the past to dominate.

Without Ekweremadu, Enugu West has slid from kingmaker to bystander. Enugu East now occupies the governor’s seat, and Enugu North consolidates its weight in state structures. Enugu West, meanwhile, fights to stay relevant—its lone Senate victory looking more like a lifeline than a comeback.

But politics isn’t just about seats; it’s about projects. And here too, Enugu West is feeling the squeeze.

Governor Peter Mbah’s administration has adopted a development-first budgeting style. In 2024, Enugu passed a ₦521.6bn budget with nearly 79% for capital projects. For 2025, a staggering ₦971bn budget is on the table, with 86% capital expenditure, and one-third earmarked for education. The numbers prove that the fight in Enugu today is not just about power but about who can steer these projects home.

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So how is Enugu West faring? The 2024 budget shows uneven results. Udi and Oji River—both in Enugu West—recorded sizeable capital footprints, largely due to the flagship 9th Mile 24/7 Water Scheme. Udi logged about ₦10.3bn in approved capital, Oji River around ₦9.6bn. But the other LGAs—Awgu (₦2.55bn) and Aninri (₦1.5bn)—lagged far behind. Ezeagu sat somewhere in between.

The imbalance tells a story: without coordinated bargaining, projects flow unevenly. Udi and Oji River benefit from the 9th Mile scheme, but Awgu and Aninri risk being left behind. Once, Ekweremadu might have evened the scales. Now, the zone looks patchy—some parts in the flow, others in the drought.

The Mbah government’s “Smart Green Schools” plan promises one model school per ward, alongside a matching rollout of primary health centres. On paper, this is equalising: with five LGAs and dozens of wards, Enugu West stands to benefit significantly. But whether those schools and health centres are delivered on schedule—and at quality — depends on local advocacy. In other words, zones that organise and pressure will reap the gains; zones that fragment will be left with foundations and promises, something Enugu West must avoid.

All is not lost. Senator Ngwu now chairs the Senate Committee on Solid Minerals and Minority Whip. These are not ceremonial posts. The hope is that he punches above his legislative weight, being a first-time Senator. His offices provide avenues to attract mineral-linked infrastructure – roads, erosion control, and skills hubs—into Enugu West. But again, leveraging committee clout requires strategic coordination across the zone, not fragmented hustling.

The decline is not only about Ekweremadu’s absence; it’s about succession failure. His towering presence meant no strong second line of leadership emerged. Younger politicians remain Lilliputians and divided, and many others lack the networks or courage to step into the vacuum. With PDP weakened and Labour Party not yet fully institutionalised in the zone, Enugu West faces a noisy marketplace of politicians chasing micro-projects rather than articulating a shared vision. A lone star hovers in the environment, leaving the big question of whether he will step out fully before 2027 and be the Noah to build the new ark to anchor the new ship to sail Enugu West.

Enugu West can either keep reminiscing about the Ekweremadu era or pivot to renewal. That means looking inward to find strength in the systems created by Ekwerenmadu or inventing new strategic momentum around the new titans in political offices within the zone to rejuvenate its collective bargaining deal sheets and energies.

Begin to learn to mobilize across party lines, as scattered as it were now, can only lead to many more years of tiny punches and regrets.
Enugu West’s eclipse is a cautionary tale. Overreliance on a single titan left the zone unprepared for succession. The elections showed weakness; the budget shows uneven gains. But the future isn’t written in stone. If Enugu West can organize, demand equity in project distribution, and back new leaders with vision, it can once again shift from spectator to player.

Enugu West’s greatest danger is not decline—it is accepting decline as its new normal.

■ Anselm Okolo is an Abuja based journalist and keen observer of Nigerian politics and writes frequently on the shifting fortunes of regions and power players.