By Sufuyan Ojeifo
What could have made the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, rush to the Presidential Villa on Wednesday night for consultation with President Bola Tinubu? Such hurried gravitation towards the seat of power, on a day the Senate was forced to defer the consideration of the presidential proclamation of emergency rule in Rivers State, until Thursday, March 20, 2025, was indicative of fire on the mountain.
President Tinubu had declared a state of emergency in Rivers on the night of Tuesday, March 18, 2025, suspending all democratic institutions in the state for six months in the first instance; and as constitutionally circumscribed, he needed the approbation of the National Assembly to validate the proclamation, otherwise, it would come to nought after 48 hours.
The 48 hours, as provided, by the Constitution for legislative approval expires today and if the approval falls through, the suspended Governor of Rivers State and the State House of Assembly will automatically return to their respective offices.

Section 6 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended, provides: “A proclamation issued by the President under this section shall cease to have effect – (b) if it affects the Federation or any part thereof and within two days when the National Assembly is in session, or within ten days when the National Assembly is not in session, after its publication, there is no resolution supported by two-thirds majority of all the members of each House of the National Assembly approving the proclamation.”
THE CONCLAVE can authoritatively report that Akpabio, who is also the highest office holder in the federal government from the South-south zone, was compelled to consult with President Bola Tinubu on the uphill task of getting two-thirds majority of the National Assembly to approve the emergency rule proclamation in Rivers State.
The National Assembly is, writ large, acting against the headwinds of public criticism of the presidential action and the basis of the expected two-thirds majority of the National Assembly (240 members in the House of Representatives and 72 members in the Senate) supporting the proclamation as gazetted, appeared threatened as of Wednesday morning.
In the House of Representatives unde Speaker Tajudeen Abbas, where the presidential request was listed, the House could barely struggle to form a quorum of simple one-third (120 members) to sit. The fear on Wednesday was that if the same disposition was extended to the Thursday sitting, it would be difficult to approve the presidential proclamation.
THE CONCLAVE reports that the same development is playing out in the Senate, where the issue was deferred until Thursday, March 20, 2025, for consideration.
March 20 is the deadline for President Tinubu to secure legislative approval for his emergency rule intervention in Rivers State.
The fear in political circles is that if Tinubu’s perceived “illegal suspension” of democratic institutions in Rivers State on the pretext of emergency rule is allowed to succeed, it would incentivise the President and encourage a burgeoning civilian dictatorship that would bare its fangs for encores of the Rivers case in opposition states such as Kano and Osun.
THE CONCLAVE learnt that the scenario of possible failure to secure legislative endorsement forced Akpabio to rush to the State House to meet with President Tinubu on the next possible step to take if his emergency rule proclamation was not approved vide a resolution supported by two-thirds majority of all members of each house of the National Assembly approving the proclamation.
As the leader of the South-south zone where Rivers is located as a significant part, it is understandable why Akpabio is much more concerned than any other stakeholder in and outside the National Assembly. He is seen to be a close ally of an interested party in the Rivers political debacle, to wit: Barrister Nyesom Wike, a former governor and incumbent Minister of the Federal Capital Territory. FCT.
THE CONCLAVE learnt from a grapevine that Akpabio presented a potential plan B (fallback position) to the President if plan A (emergency rule proclamation) failed.
It was gathered that the Senate President decided to prepare the mind of President Tinubu to possible failure and to allow for activation of plan B which is to allow impeachment proceedings to start once the suspended democratic institutions are restored.
How plan B will fare in the circumstance of politicking, exercise of influence, and deployment of wits and grits in the actualisation of political plans with Fubara in office as governor is subject only to conjectures.
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